A Stepping Stone for Burma
“The fall of one regime does not bring in a utopia. Rather, it opens the way for hard work and long efforts to build more just social, economic, and political relationships and the eradication of other forms of injustices and oppression.”
- Gene Sharp, From Dictatorship to Democracy
While many are busy watching the reality TV show that the US Election race has become, another Presidential campaign has recently concluded, the result installing a historically military ruled Burma with its first civilian leader in decades.
Many have voiced their disappointment that Burma’s National League for Democracy Party (NLD) popular leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, known for her and her party’s philosophy of non-violence and for continuously putting pressure on the country’s poor human rights record, will not be President. This is due to a clause stating that no one with a foreign spouse or children (she was married to a British man and has British sons) may stand for President, a constitutional arrangement which the NLD have made clear they will push to change. Yet many have also welcomed the official confirmation that Mr Htin Kyaw, Aung San Suu Kyi’s aide, will take the role, and will be Burma’s first civilian president in 53 years. Furthermore, there is no doubt that she will remain incredibly influential, and she has made no qualms in being explicit about this arrangement. Indeed she has now been given a key spot in the government’s Ministry; confirmation came yesterday that she would lead at least four key departments: education, foreign affairs, energy, and the president’s office. This, at the very least, is a symbolic indication that further progress towards democracy can be expected.
The NLD, which was founded in 1988, has been striving for years to create a legacy that will see Burma transform into a functioning democracy, through a movement that advocates non-violent action. The party has clearly faced a difficult path, from early refusals to recognise legitimacy of election victories, to the military junta labelling the party as illegal, and further, Suu Kyi herself being held under house arrest for 20 years. Despite this, the most recent general elections in 2015 resulted in the NLD winning an absolute majority in the Assembly in a landslide victory, justifying a wave of optimism that their intentions could finally be actioned. The steady gains the NLD has received, and the uprising it has inspired, have sent a clear message to the military junta that people will no longer tolerate the oppressive rule.
For those who have followed the elections, and indeed Burma’s turbulent recent history, it is easy to recognise the derision held by the military class towards the NLD leader, who so many refer to as Ahmay (mother). She has fought for years against the derogation that such elite and powerful groups within the country have tarred her with, refusing to accept her leadership. Despite recent military co-operation with Suu Kyi’s party, to the extent that it facilitates inward investment and access to economic markets, the underlying feeling towards her remains ever complicated. Suu Kyi has spent years trying to repair and develop better relationships with military generals, in tireless attempts to bring democracy to a country within which it seems so historically unlikely, yet recently it would seem that this relationship has been pushed to breaking point.
Suu Kyi has previously expressed respect for the military, with which she has familial connections, in an attempt to consolidate support. However, increasing accusations of war crimes, human rights atrocities and genocide have all resulted in a very uncomfortable relationship. For Suu Kyi to maintain the support she currently holds is a challenge. Indeed her entire ‘liberal’ platform depends on her party’s vocal support for human rights, freedom of speech, the rule of law and the introduction of social benefits. Furthermore, she has been openly critical of the undemocratic means by which a quarter of parliamentary seats are reserved for the military.
Yet, in securing a level of military support she has managed to cement herself a place where she may at least exert some influence, despite seemingly turning a blind eye to other abuses by the military elite. She may have a unique position of understanding both sides, however, for true future progress to be made, many may say that she should disassociate herself entirely with a regime that remains uncompromising in their efforts to condemn swathes of people to abuse. Such action will require a concerted effort, and one that may take years to come to fruition. However, this presidency is certainly a step in a positive direction, and one, which many would hope could be a turning point for Burma.
Additionally, Suu Kyi has recently sparked criticism due to her failure to publicly condemn abuse against various ethnic minority groups, particularly in relation to the continued discrimination against the Rohingya Muslims, who have been deprived of citizenship rights and face restrictions over freedom of movement and their basic societal rights. Some question whether Suu Kyi has remained silent on such issues until she is able to solidify her party’s position within Burma in order to avoid upsetting many of her supporters, who are anything but silent in their dislike of the minority Muslim community. Conversely others are doubtful over her future intent to challenge this particular stain on her efforts to promote democratic freedom and peaceful tolerance. Perhaps this is something yet to be seen in the future transition that may lie ahead for Burma. Indeed, the journey is sure to be one rife with challenges when addressing the underlying issues of poverty, violent insurgency, discrimination of minorities and the remaining military junta, which continue to exert extensive influence.
Nevertheless, it is interesting to turn to the work of Gene Sharp, a prominent scholar for non-violence, who famously wrote the pamphlet From Dictatorship to Democracy, at the request from rebels in Burma around two decades ago. His compilation of work and his philosophy have gone on to inspire resistance across the world, for example, proving vital in the ousting of Slobodan Milošević in Serbia, for inspiring “The Occupy” movement and becoming prominent during the Arab Spring.
For Burma, 20 years later, Sharp’s tenets of nonviolent resistance, still have resonance; that popular will and resilience may eventually have the potential to exert enough pressure to break the binds of a corrupt, oppressive and immoral military rule.
Image credits:
Flickr User Robert Daly
